Egypt and Egyptians are not of Arab descent, and the history of Egypt is not an Arab country.
The degree to which Egyptians identify with each layer of Egypt's history in articulating a sense of collective identity can vary. Questions of identity came to fore in the 20th century as Egyptians sought to free themselves from British occupation, leading to the rise of ethno-territorial secular Egyptian nationalism (also known as "Pharaonism"). After Egyptians gained their independence from Great Britain, other forms of nationalism developed, including secular Arab nationalism as well as Islamism.
"Pharaonism" rose to political prominence in the 1920s and 1930s during the British occupation, as Egypt developed separately from the Arab world. A segment of the most Westernized upper class argued that Egypt was part of a Mediterranean civilization. This ideology largely developed out of the country's lengthy pre-Islamic history, the relative isolation of the Nile Valley and the mostly homogeneous ethnicity of the inhabitants.[31] One of Pharaonism's most notable advocates was Taha Hussein who remarked "Pharaonism is deeply rooted in the spirits of the Egyptians. It will remain so, and it must continue and become stronger. The Egyptian is Pharaonic before being Arab."[32]
Pharaonism became the dominant mode of expression of Egyptian anti-colonial activists of the pre-war and inter-war periods. In 1931, following a visit to Egypt, Syrian Arab nationalist Sati' al-Husri remarked that "[Egyptians] did not possess an Arab nationalist sentiment; did not accept that Egypt was a part of the Arab lands, and would not acknowledge that the Egyptian people were part of the Arab nation."[33] The later 1930s would become a formative period for Arab nationalism in Egypt, in large part due to efforts by Syrian, Palestinian and Lebanese intellectuals.[34]
Arab-Islamic political sentiment was fueled by the solidarity felt between Egyptians struggling for independence from Britain and those across the Arab world engaged in similar anti-imperialist struggles. In particular, the growth of Zionism in neighboring Palestine was seen as a threat by many Egyptians and the cause of resistance there was adopted by rising Islamic movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood as well as the political leadership including King Faruq I and Prime Minister Mustafa el-Nahhas.[31] Nevertheless, a year after the establishment of the League of Arab States in 1945, to be headquartered in Cairo, Oxford University historian H. S. Deighton was still writing:
The Egyptians are not Arabs, and both they and the Arabs are aware of this fact. They are Arabic-speaking, and they are [predominantly] Muslim[. I]ndeed [the Muslim] religion plays a greater part in their lives than it does in those either of the [Muslim] Syrians or the Iraqi [Muslims]. But the Egyptian, during the first thirty years of the [twentieth] century, was not aware of any particular bond with the Arab East... Egypt sees in the Arab cause a worthy object of real and active sympathy and, at the same time, a great and proper opportunity for the exercise of leadership, as well as for the enjoyment of its fruits. But [Egypt,] she is still Egyptian first and Arab only in consequence, and her main interests are still domestic.[35]
It was not until the Nasser era more than a decade later that Arab nationalism, and by extension Arab socialism, became a state policy and a means with which to define Egypt's position in the Middle East and the world,[36] usually articulated vis-à-vis Zionism in the neighboring new state of Israel. Nasser's politics was shaped by his conviction that all the Arab states were contending with anti-imperialist struggles and thus solidarity between them was imperative for independence. He viewed the earlier Egyptian nationalism of Saad Zaghlul as too inward-looking and saw no conflict between Egyptian patriotism (wataniyya) and Arab nationalism (qawmiyya).[37]
For a while Egypt and Syria formed the United Arab Republic (UAR). When the union was dissolved, Egypt continued to be known as the UAR until 1971, when Egypt adopted the current official name, the Arab Republic of Egypt.[38] The Egyptians' attachment to Arabism was particularly questioned after the 1967 Six-Day War. Thousands of Egyptians had lost their lives, and the country became disillusioned with Arab politics.[39] Although the Arabism instilled in the country by Nasser was not deeply embedded in society, a certain kinship with the rest of the Arab world was firmly established and Egypt saw itself as the leader of this larger cultural entity. Nasser's version of pan-Arabism stressed Egyptian sovereignty and leadership of Arab unity instead of the eastern Arab states.[37]
Nasser's successor Anwar el-Sadat, both through public policy and his peace initiative with Israel, revived an uncontested Egyptian orientation, unequivocally asserting that only Egypt and Egyptians were his responsibility. According to Dawisha, the terms "Arab", "Arabism" and "Arab unity", save for the new official name, became conspicuously absent.[40] (See also Liberal age and Republic sections.) However, despite Sadat's systematic attempts to root out Arab sentiment, Arab nationalism in Egypt remained a potent force.[41]
During this era, in 1978, Egyptian-American sociologist Saad Eddin Ibrahim studied the national discourse between 17 Egyptian intellectuals relating to Egypt's identity and peace with Israel. He noted that in 18 articles Arab identity was acknowledged and neutrality in the conflict opposed, while in eight articles Arab identity was acknowledged and neutrality supported and only in three articles written by author Louis Awad was Arab identity rejected and neutrality supported.[42] Egyptian scholar Gamal Hamdan stressed that Egyptian identity was unique, but that Egypt was the center and "cultural hub" of the Arab world, arguing that "Egypt in the Arab world is like Cairo in Egypt." Hamdan further contended "We do not see the Egyptian personality, no matter how distinct it may be, as anything other than a part of the personality of the greater Arab homeland."[41]
Many Egyptians today feel that Egyptian and Arab identities are inextricably linked, and emphasize the central role that Egypt plays in the Arab world. Others continue to believe that Egypt and Egyptians are simply not Arab, emphasizing indigenous Egyptian heritage, culture and independent polity, pointing to the perceived failures of Arab and pan-Arab nationalist policies. Egyptian anthropologist Laila el-Hamamsy illustrates the modern-day relationship between the two trends, stating: "in light of their history, Egyptians ... should be conscious of their national identity and consider themselves, above all, Egyptians. How is the Egyptian, with this strong sense of Egyptian identity, able to look himself as an Arab too?"[43] Her explanation is that Egyptianization translated as Arabization with the result being "an increased tempo of Arabization, for facility in the Arabic language opened the windows into the rich legacy of Arabic culture. ... Thus in seeking a cultural identity, Egypt has revived its Arab cultural heritage."[42]
Egyptian critics of Arab nationalism contend that it has worked to erode and/or relegate native Egyptian identity by superimposing only one aspect of Egypt's culture. These views and sources for collective identification in the Egyptian state are captured in the words of a linguistic anthropologist who conducted fieldwork in Cairo:
Historically, Egyptians have considered themselves as distinct from 'Arabs' and even at present rarely do they make that identification in casual contexts; il-'arab [the Arabs] as used by Egyptians refers mainly to the inhabitants of the Gulf states... Egypt has been both a leader of pan-Arabism and a site of intense resentment towards that ideology. Egyptians had to be made, often forcefully, into "Arabs" [during the Nasser era] because they did not historically identify themselves as such. Egypt was self-consciously a nation not only before pan-Arabism but also before becoming a colony of the British Empire. Its territorial continuity since ancient times, its unique history as exemplified in its pharaonic past and later on its Coptic language and culture, had already made Egypt into a nation for centuries. Egyptians saw themselves, their history, culture and language as specifically Egyptian and not "Arab."
"Pharaonism" rose to political prominence in the 1920s and 1930s during the British occupation, as Egypt developed separately from the Arab world. A segment of the most Westernized upper class argued that Egypt was part of a Mediterranean civilization. This ideology largely developed out of the country's lengthy pre-Islamic history, the relative isolation of the Nile Valley and the mostly homogeneous ethnicity of the inhabitants.[31] One of Pharaonism's most notable advocates was Taha Hussein who remarked "Pharaonism is deeply rooted in the spirits of the Egyptians. It will remain so, and it must continue and become stronger. The Egyptian is Pharaonic before being Arab."[32]
Pharaonism became the dominant mode of expression of Egyptian anti-colonial activists of the pre-war and inter-war periods. In 1931, following a visit to Egypt, Syrian Arab nationalist Sati' al-Husri remarked that "[Egyptians] did not possess an Arab nationalist sentiment; did not accept that Egypt was a part of the Arab lands, and would not acknowledge that the Egyptian people were part of the Arab nation."[33] The later 1930s would become a formative period for Arab nationalism in Egypt, in large part due to efforts by Syrian, Palestinian and Lebanese intellectuals.[34]
Arab-Islamic political sentiment was fueled by the solidarity felt between Egyptians struggling for independence from Britain and those across the Arab world engaged in similar anti-imperialist struggles. In particular, the growth of Zionism in neighboring Palestine was seen as a threat by many Egyptians and the cause of resistance there was adopted by rising Islamic movements such as the Muslim Brotherhood as well as the political leadership including King Faruq I and Prime Minister Mustafa el-Nahhas.[31] Nevertheless, a year after the establishment of the League of Arab States in 1945, to be headquartered in Cairo, Oxford University historian H. S. Deighton was still writing:
The Egyptians are not Arabs, and both they and the Arabs are aware of this fact. They are Arabic-speaking, and they are [predominantly] Muslim[. I]ndeed [the Muslim] religion plays a greater part in their lives than it does in those either of the [Muslim] Syrians or the Iraqi [Muslims]. But the Egyptian, during the first thirty years of the [twentieth] century, was not aware of any particular bond with the Arab East... Egypt sees in the Arab cause a worthy object of real and active sympathy and, at the same time, a great and proper opportunity for the exercise of leadership, as well as for the enjoyment of its fruits. But [Egypt,] she is still Egyptian first and Arab only in consequence, and her main interests are still domestic.[35]
It was not until the Nasser era more than a decade later that Arab nationalism, and by extension Arab socialism, became a state policy and a means with which to define Egypt's position in the Middle East and the world,[36] usually articulated vis-à-vis Zionism in the neighboring new state of Israel. Nasser's politics was shaped by his conviction that all the Arab states were contending with anti-imperialist struggles and thus solidarity between them was imperative for independence. He viewed the earlier Egyptian nationalism of Saad Zaghlul as too inward-looking and saw no conflict between Egyptian patriotism (wataniyya) and Arab nationalism (qawmiyya).[37]
For a while Egypt and Syria formed the United Arab Republic (UAR). When the union was dissolved, Egypt continued to be known as the UAR until 1971, when Egypt adopted the current official name, the Arab Republic of Egypt.[38] The Egyptians' attachment to Arabism was particularly questioned after the 1967 Six-Day War. Thousands of Egyptians had lost their lives, and the country became disillusioned with Arab politics.[39] Although the Arabism instilled in the country by Nasser was not deeply embedded in society, a certain kinship with the rest of the Arab world was firmly established and Egypt saw itself as the leader of this larger cultural entity. Nasser's version of pan-Arabism stressed Egyptian sovereignty and leadership of Arab unity instead of the eastern Arab states.[37]
Nasser's successor Anwar el-Sadat, both through public policy and his peace initiative with Israel, revived an uncontested Egyptian orientation, unequivocally asserting that only Egypt and Egyptians were his responsibility. According to Dawisha, the terms "Arab", "Arabism" and "Arab unity", save for the new official name, became conspicuously absent.[40] (See also Liberal age and Republic sections.) However, despite Sadat's systematic attempts to root out Arab sentiment, Arab nationalism in Egypt remained a potent force.[41]
During this era, in 1978, Egyptian-American sociologist Saad Eddin Ibrahim studied the national discourse between 17 Egyptian intellectuals relating to Egypt's identity and peace with Israel. He noted that in 18 articles Arab identity was acknowledged and neutrality in the conflict opposed, while in eight articles Arab identity was acknowledged and neutrality supported and only in three articles written by author Louis Awad was Arab identity rejected and neutrality supported.[42] Egyptian scholar Gamal Hamdan stressed that Egyptian identity was unique, but that Egypt was the center and "cultural hub" of the Arab world, arguing that "Egypt in the Arab world is like Cairo in Egypt." Hamdan further contended "We do not see the Egyptian personality, no matter how distinct it may be, as anything other than a part of the personality of the greater Arab homeland."[41]
Many Egyptians today feel that Egyptian and Arab identities are inextricably linked, and emphasize the central role that Egypt plays in the Arab world. Others continue to believe that Egypt and Egyptians are simply not Arab, emphasizing indigenous Egyptian heritage, culture and independent polity, pointing to the perceived failures of Arab and pan-Arab nationalist policies. Egyptian anthropologist Laila el-Hamamsy illustrates the modern-day relationship between the two trends, stating: "in light of their history, Egyptians ... should be conscious of their national identity and consider themselves, above all, Egyptians. How is the Egyptian, with this strong sense of Egyptian identity, able to look himself as an Arab too?"[43] Her explanation is that Egyptianization translated as Arabization with the result being "an increased tempo of Arabization, for facility in the Arabic language opened the windows into the rich legacy of Arabic culture. ... Thus in seeking a cultural identity, Egypt has revived its Arab cultural heritage."[42]
Egyptian critics of Arab nationalism contend that it has worked to erode and/or relegate native Egyptian identity by superimposing only one aspect of Egypt's culture. These views and sources for collective identification in the Egyptian state are captured in the words of a linguistic anthropologist who conducted fieldwork in Cairo:
Historically, Egyptians have considered themselves as distinct from 'Arabs' and even at present rarely do they make that identification in casual contexts; il-'arab [the Arabs] as used by Egyptians refers mainly to the inhabitants of the Gulf states... Egypt has been both a leader of pan-Arabism and a site of intense resentment towards that ideology. Egyptians had to be made, often forcefully, into "Arabs" [during the Nasser era] because they did not historically identify themselves as such. Egypt was self-consciously a nation not only before pan-Arabism but also before becoming a colony of the British Empire. Its territorial continuity since ancient times, its unique history as exemplified in its pharaonic past and later on its Coptic language and culture, had already made Egypt into a nation for centuries. Egyptians saw themselves, their history, culture and language as specifically Egyptian and not "Arab."
wikipedia
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After over 10 years of analyzing DNA samples from hundreds of people, the National Geographic Genographic Project (NGGP) surprisingly uncovered the fact that Egyptians are not Arabs as most of them believed.
The study presented graphs that show the global genetic makeup of nationals in each country. These help answer people's questions about ethnicity, race, and the overall origins of the human population.
As the graph below shows, only 17 percent of Egyptians are Arabs, while 68 percent of the indigenous population is from North Africa, four percent are from Jewish ancestry, three percent are of East African origins, another three percent from Asia Minor and three percent are South European.
The Egyptian population presented by genetic origin
"This reference population is based on native Egyptians. As ancient populations migrated from Africa, they passed first through northeast Africa, then to southwest Asia. The Northern Africa and Arabian components in Egypt are representative of that ancient migratory route, as well as later migrations from the Fertile Crescent back into Africa; with the spread of agriculture over the past 10,000 years, and migrations in the seventh century, with the spread of Islam from the Arabian Peninsula," the NGGP study said.
The East African component in the Egyptian genes reflects the localized movement up the navigable Nile River, according to the NGGP; while the Southern Europe and Asia Minor components reflect the geographic and historical role of Egypt as a key player in the economic and cultural growth of the Mediterranean region.
The DNA samples proved that Kuwaitis are mostly Arabs, as their genetic makeup is as follows: 84 percent of Kuwaitis are Arabs, seven percent are from Asia Minor, four percent are North African and three percent from East Africa.
The NGGP said that as ancient migrants passed through the Middle East when moving from Africa to Asia, some of them decided to stay, developing their genetic patterns that were passed down to other generations. While there is small percentage from North and East Africa, maybe due to the Arab slave trade which was common from the 8th to the19th century.
Meanwhile the Lebanese society is the most diverse among Arab countries, as 44 percent are of Arab origins, 14 percent are Jewish, 11 percent are from North African descent, 10 percent are from Asia Minor, five percent are South European and only two percent are East African.
The Tunisian population had the lowest percentage from Arab descent, as only 4 percent are Arabs, while 88 percent are North African, five percent are from Western Europe, and two percent from West and Central Africa.
After over 10 years of analyzing DNA samples from hundreds of people, the National Geographic Genographic Project (NGGP) surprisingly uncovered the fact that Egyptians are not Arabs as most of them believed.
The study presented graphs that show the global genetic makeup of nationals in each country. These help answer people's questions about ethnicity, race, and the overall origins of the human population.
As the graph below shows, only 17 percent of Egyptians are Arabs, while 68 percent of the indigenous population is from North Africa, four percent are from Jewish ancestry, three percent are of East African origins, another three percent from Asia Minor and three percent are South European.
The Egyptian population presented by genetic origin
"This reference population is based on native Egyptians. As ancient populations migrated from Africa, they passed first through northeast Africa, then to southwest Asia. The Northern Africa and Arabian components in Egypt are representative of that ancient migratory route, as well as later migrations from the Fertile Crescent back into Africa; with the spread of agriculture over the past 10,000 years, and migrations in the seventh century, with the spread of Islam from the Arabian Peninsula," the NGGP study said.
The East African component in the Egyptian genes reflects the localized movement up the navigable Nile River, according to the NGGP; while the Southern Europe and Asia Minor components reflect the geographic and historical role of Egypt as a key player in the economic and cultural growth of the Mediterranean region.
The DNA samples proved that Kuwaitis are mostly Arabs, as their genetic makeup is as follows: 84 percent of Kuwaitis are Arabs, seven percent are from Asia Minor, four percent are North African and three percent from East Africa.
The NGGP said that as ancient migrants passed through the Middle East when moving from Africa to Asia, some of them decided to stay, developing their genetic patterns that were passed down to other generations. While there is small percentage from North and East Africa, maybe due to the Arab slave trade which was common from the 8th to the19th century.
Meanwhile the Lebanese society is the most diverse among Arab countries, as 44 percent are of Arab origins, 14 percent are Jewish, 11 percent are from North African descent, 10 percent are from Asia Minor, five percent are South European and only two percent are East African.
The Tunisian population had the lowest percentage from Arab descent, as only 4 percent are Arabs, while 88 percent are North African, five percent are from Western Europe, and two percent from West and Central Africa.
egyptindependent-
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P. text:
Mesr va mesriyān az tabār Arab nistand va tārixe Mesr yek kešvare arabi nist.
Dar sāl-e 641 milādi (19 hejri-ye qamari) dar zamān-e xalife-ye dovvom-e, omr, Arabhā-ye mosalmān-e in kešvar rā tasxir kardand. Mesriyān ke az tasallot-e siyāsi-yo farhangi bizānsihā nāxorsand bud-and, hengām-e vorud-e A’rāb dar barābar-e ānhā istādegi nakardand-o vāliyān-e Mesr ke az taraf-e xolafā barā-ye edāre-ye Mesr e’zām mišodand, bā "ahl zemme"-o beviže-ye sākenān-e asli-ye Mesr ya’ni "qobtiyān" bar asās-e ahdnāmehā-vo peymānhā raftār mikardand. Šarāyet-e peymānhā be gune-i bud ke mowjeb-e estehkām-e ravābet-e A’rāb-e fāteh bā bumiyān Mesr mišod. Pas az fath-e Mesr, te’dād-e ziyādi Arab-o mosalmān be in sarzamin vāred šodand. Bā āmadan-e qabāyel-e arabi be Mesr-o afzāyeš-e tamās-e do goruh-e mosalmān-o qobti, zaminehā-ye pazireš-e zabān-o farhang-e arabi dar Mesr farāham šod. Šomāri az mesrihā tā pāyān hokumat sofyāniyān, mosalmān-o Arab šode bud-and, ammā in ravand, dar dowrehā-ye ba’di-yo tey-e do qarn pas az Eslām rafte-rafte-vo tadriji surat gereft tā saranjām Mesr yek mamlekat arabi šod.[5]
Ravand-e arabi šodan-e zabān-e mesriyān cand-i be tul anjāmid-o kārbord-e zabān-e arabi dar in mantaqe az sade-ye nohom-e milādi be insu šeddat gereft. Siyāsat-e farmānravāyān-e Arab hākem bar Mesr in bud ke bā vojud-e nāāšnā budan-e mardom-e Mesr bā zabān-e arabi in farmānravāyān az hamān āqāz tamām-i neveštehā-ye rasmi rā be arabi sāder kardand. In hākemān vali, alāqe-ye ziyādi be mosalmān-e kardan-e mardom-e Mesr nešān nemidādand.[6]
Bā in hāl, mosalmān-e šodan-e mardom-e Mesr bā arabzabān-e šodan-e ānhā hamrāh nabud-o eslāmi sāzi Mesr sadehā pas az arabzabān-e šodan-e ānhā be anjām resid. Bā inke zabān-e arabi az sade-ye nohom-e milādi dar Mesr gostareš yāft din Eslām tanhā dar sade-ye cāhārdahom-e tabdil be din-e aksariyat mesriyān šod.
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:asl-o nasabe A’rāb
az ketabe tārixe dah hezār sāleye ye Irān safhe ye 183.
Banā be gofte-ye ye hame ye movarrexān,aqvām-e gunāgun-e Arab nasab be Sām pesar-e Nuh peyqambar mey resānand.Nuh az jomle payāmbarān-e segāne-ye ey-st ke nām-e ānhā dar Qor’ān-e Majid zekr šode-ast.Banā bar revāyāt-e tārix-e negārān,pedar-e vey kammal bon-e meno shalx bon-e Edris-o mādar-aš baqinus nām dāštand.Nuh yeksad-o bist-o šeš sāl pas az dargozašt-e hazrat-e ādam pāy be arse-ye ye vojud gozāšt.Nuh be extelāf-e revāyāt,dar hengām-e be’sat be peyqambari-ye panjāh sāl,sad-o panjāh,devist-o panjāh,sisad-o ye panjāh sāl sen dāšte-ast.Qor’ān-e Majid darun da’vat-e vey rā nohsad-o panjāh sāl zekr karde-ast.Sām pesar-e Nuh niyā-ye bozorg-e aqvām-o tavāyef-e moxtalef-e Arab,yeki az cāhār farzand-e pedar,-o mādar-aš amouriye doxtar-e barafil bon-e Edris payāmbar bud.
Sām haft pesar dāšt,arfaxshand,eram,abfar,al-isur,ālam,----o navard;-o qabāyel-o tavāyef-e gunāgun-e Arab az bāzmāndegān-e farzandān-e ānān bud-and.arfaxshad pesari be nām-e sāleh dāšt ke az u sefarzand-e benām-e hud,qahtān-o olām be vojud āmadand.Az hur pesari padid šod ke falq nām dāšt-o niyā-ye Ebrāhim-e Xalilollāh bud.Qowm-e nazār-o mozer-o ajdād-e hazrat-e Mohammad az bāzmāndegān-e faleq-o moluk-e hemyar-o tabaān-e yomn az a’qāb-e qahtān-e Bensāleh bud-and-vajh-e tasmie-ye ye qahtān pesar-e dovvom sāleh ons-at ke dar zamān-e vey qaht-o qalā-ye šadid-i padidār gardid-qahtān hamsari az qowm ād bar gozid.In zan az u farzandān besyār āvard ke az ān jomle yarab–jarre-am-o hemyar bud-and.yarab farzandi benām yaxshab dāšt ke sabā az vey be vojud āmad.Moluk-o hemyar-o tabaān az farzandān sabā bud-and.Qahtān-e noxostin kas-i-st ke be zabān-e arabi fasih soxan goft.Qahtān-o farzandān-aš dar yomn sokunat gozidand,-o be hamin jahat-e mardom-e yomn az bāzmāndegān-e išān šenāxte šode and-o ānān rā qahtān-i mey guyand.
Eram pesar-e dovvom-e Sām haft farzand dāšt:ād,samud,sahār,hās-am,vabar,tasm-o jadis.Dar tārix-e Arab bāzmāndegān-e eram be Arab al-arebe ma’ruf šode andu ruz beruz bar šomāre-ye ye ānān afzude gašte-ast.Ānān mardomi boland bālā-vo qaviheykal bude and.
Piš az anja ke qahtanian be yomn azimat konand,qowm-e ād bedanja rafte bud-and.Hengām-i ke āl-e qahtal bar yomn tasallot yāft,tāyefe-ye ye ād rā az ānjā birun rānd.Pas az mohājerat-e ād-o farzandān-e vey be yomn,samud pesar-e eram bā kasān-e xiš az Bābol be hajar-e vāqe’ dar miyān-e šām-o Hejāz raft,sahār dar Tahāme sokunat gozid,hās-am be etefaqe farzandān-e xod rāh-e Hejāz rā dar gereft,tasm be hodud Ommān-o Bahreyn ruy āvard-o jadidas dar yamame-dar nazdiki-ye Ommān-esteqrār yāft.Nazar be inke qowm-e tasm-o jadis be yekzabān-e soxan mey goftand,ānhā rā Arab al-arba nām nahādand.
vabar kucaktarin farzand-e eram,dar mahalli sarsabz-o xorram dar nazdiki-ye San’ā ma-va gozid ke be monāsebat-e nām-e vey,vabar nāmide šod.Bāzmāndegān-e qowm-e vabar be nasnās šohrat yāfte and.Mey guyand in qowm faqat dārā-ye nim-i az tane bud-and,bā sor’at-e har ce tamām tar mey davidand,zabān-e arabi rā bā ravāni-yo balāqat takallom mey kardand,vali az aql-o xerad-e bahrei nadāštand.Pesar-e sevvom-e Sām ((al-baqar))nām dāšt.U darali do farzand be nāmei-ye šām-o Rum bud-o noqāt-i ke ān do bedanja azimat kardand be e’tebār-e nām-e ānhā be šām-o Rum-e ma’ruf šod.Az ād pesar-e eram do pesar be vojud āmadand:----o hital.Noxostin pesar namee xod rā bar ((---))nahād-o hayateleh ke dar zamane Sāsāniyān be Irān hojum āvardand,az farzandane hitel bud-and.
Yeki digar az pesarān-e Sām,asur nāmide mey šod.(Kalame-ye ey ke dar injā be ma’ni-ye digar-i set-o motmaenan ijād-e tabliq-e šāyi-e -vo xorāfe ye zehni mikonad.-Xatt-e tire-towzih-e ān dar band-o fasl-e hāye ba’di-ye in qesmat ) Ahvāz pesar asur bud.U nām-e xod rā be mahall-e eqāmat-e xiš dād.Sarzamin-i ke mā emruz ān rā Xuzestān mey xānim,be monāsebat-e nām-e dovvomin farzand asur,Ahvāz xānde šod.
Navard-e pesar-e Sām do pesar be nām-e azarban-o eramiyān(armaniyān) dāšt-o mardom azarbaygan (Āzarbāyjān)-o --- ham az bāzmāndegān-e ānhā hastand.Āxarin farzand-e Sām,--- xānde mey šod-o sarzamin --- be nām-e vey šohrat yāft.Adnāni hāye Arab az owlād-e omar banadi az pesarān-o navāde-ye hāye Sā
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nihad qali
Mahmoud el-Meliguy
diclehan baban